polis: a collective blog about cities worldwide
books

To Replenish a Sense of Wonder

by Min Li Chan

In a radio interview with Eleanor Wachtel of Writers & Company, Gail Jones reflects upon urban experience and its centrality to her novel Five Bells. The conversation is insightful and eminently quotable, with many passages that threw new light on my old urbanist ways. Jones urges us to be aware not only of a city's physicality, but also of its intangible atmospheres:
I'm very interested in psychogeography, and the idea that we must walk around our own place with an active intelligence and a degree of radical attention to what is there. ... We ought not be the flaneur who is idly and languidly consuming the sights of the city, we must look at its shapes, at its motions, attend to its sounds, corridors between spaces, the unexpected things looming up or falling away as we turn a corner.

Agitation Versus Inequality in Global Cities

by Deen Sharp

In 2012, Trenton Oldfield threw himself into the River Thames to protest elitism in Britain. Oldfield intentionally timed his leap to disrupt the annual boat race between Oxford and Cambridge, yet he may have underestimated the British establishment's love of sport. His act provoked a starkly revanchist reaction: he was sentenced to six months in prison and deemed unwelcome to continue living in the United Kingdom. He is now fighting deportation to Australia.

Injustices of Informality

by Andrew Wade

William Hunter is an architect, urban designer and teaching fellow at The Bartlett Development Planning Unit (DPU), University College London. I recently caught up with him to discuss his new book, "Contested Urbanism in Dharavi: Writings and Projects for the Resilient City," a collaboration with Camillo Boano and Caroline Newton. Dharavi — perhaps the most famous informal settlement in the world — has featured on Polis many times and we're excited to return via William's experience.

Book Review: ‘Modernism’s Populist Architect’

by Cristiana Strava


Source: W.W. Norton & Company

Despite a lifelong commitment to modernist architecture, Edward Durell Stone (1902-1978) is often associated with the movement away from modernism toward decorative and neoclassical styles. It is rare to find detailed studies on the ideas behind his transition from stark modernist buildings like the MoMA in New York City to the "Romantic Modernism" of buildings like the Kennedy Center in Washington, D.C. A recent book by architectural historian Mary Ann Hunting comprehensively addresses this transition.

In the introduction we learn of Stone's childhood in Arkansas, followed by his Beaux Arts architectural education and European travels, during which he found inspiration in the Bauhaus and early modernism. Hunting sheds light on Stone's close friendship with Frank Lloyd Wright, and traces his career from "pioneering experimentations" with middle-class housing to contentious use of decorative elements often labelled "kitsch."


The American Embassy chancery in New Delhi, 1956. Source: Discover Diplomacy

After Stone completed the famous American Embassy chancery in New Delhi and the United States Pavilion for the 1958 International Exposition in Brussels, he steadily became notorious both as a wayward modernist and as a heavy drinker. Indeed, much of Hunting's book reads as a thoroughly researched biography that oscillates between presenting Stone's work through the prism of his personal life and vice-versa.


Colliers Magazine House, 1936. Source: Triangle Modernist Houses

Hunting places Stone's architecture within the economic and political climate of his day and shows how iconic designs like the Colliers and Goodyear homes were aimed at introducing modernism to middle-class America. After the Great Depression, the federal government saw home ownership as key to political stability and economic prosperity. According to Hunting, Stone was a fervent believer in educating people about the potential in modern architecture for building better homes at lower costs. Through popular magazines such as Colliers and Ladies' Home Journal, he sold scaled-down designs based on his more expensive commissions for $3 apiece.


Stanford University Medical Center, 1959. Source: Dwell

Stone managed to design and build on a scale rare for his time, securing lucrative commissions from companies like PepsiCo, Tupperware and Levitt & Sons. At the same time, many of his postwar buildings — including the Stanford University Medical Center and the Gallery of Modern Art at 2 Columbus Circle in Manhattan (known as the "Lollipop Building") — drew criticism for excessive repetition and ornamentation.

What is most valuable in Hunting's book is its examination of relationships between American modernism and middle-class consumption. She points out, "Stone deserves a very special place in the history of modernism, not for formalistic or aesthetic reasons, but for his relationship to the culture and the times." Through her research, we discover how Stone's desire to see modernism embraced by the masses began to place his work at odds with the more austere tenets of the movement.

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Portrait of a Slum Raises Questions About Corruption

by Melanie Friedrichs

Last month, Katherine Boo won the National Book Award for "Behind the Beautiful Forevers," a chronicle of life in an Indian slum based on several years of in-depth reporting. The slum she chose, Annawadi, lies next to the Mumbai International Airport, surrounded by five luxury hotels — "a stretch where new India and old India collided and made new India late."


Flying into the Mumbai International Airport, above Annawadi. Source: ABC

When I first heard about Boo's book, I worried that it had won the award for sensational descriptions of poverty and misfortune. After a summer spent working near the Mumbai International Airport, I was somewhat familiar with the scene and wary of its misrepresentation.


Cover photo from "Behind the Beautiful Forevers." Source: Barnes & Noble

Boo's subject matter is sensational, but her prose is matter-of-fact; she doesn't indulge in drawn-out or tragic descriptions, and her story rang true for me. She is a brilliant reporter, offering a textured depiction without analysis or solutions.


Katherine Boo in Annawadi. Source: Outlook India

I admire the decision to stick to description. Often the best thing one can do to address a problem is to seek a thorough understanding. Still, I found myself drawn to passages that hint at opportunities for institutional reform or charitable aid, like the following:
Mr. Kamble had grown up poorer than Asha: abandoned infant; dweller on pavement; doer of hopeless jobs, among them trudging office to office to sell perfumed cloths to sip into the earpieces of telephones, on the tiniest of commissions. "A perfumed phone cloth, sa'ab? To hide the hot season stink?" In his thirties, though, he'd had a bolt of fortune, While he was working at a train-station kiosk, a regular customer, a maintenance worker for the city government, had come to like and pity him. In short order, the man offered Mr. Kamble his own surname, a bride, and the grail of every poor person in Mumbai: a permanent job, like his own.
Mr. Kamble felt honored by this responsibility. He and his wife had three children, bricked the walls of their hut, and on one wall installed a cage for two pet pigeons. (In his pavement-dwelling years, he'd developed a fondness for birds.) The job had been to clean public toilets and falsify the time sheets of his benefactor and other sanitation workers, so that they could take other jobs while collecting their municipal pay. Mr. Kamble had been one of Annawadi's great successes — a man deemed worthy of titles like ji or mister — until the day he collapsed while cleaning a shitter.

A scene from Julia Waterhous's documentary project "Don't Waste People," about a waste-picker colony in New Delhi. Source: Don't Waste People

There is a community of sanitary workers in New Delhi who have worked for decades at jobs with salaries set during the heyday of caste reparations, following independence from Britain. The community is relatively affluent by Delhi's standards, much more so than the waste-picker colony I visited on the city's borders (where former Polis intern Julia Waterhous is working on a documentary project that came to mind frequently while reading Boo's book). It's not inconceivable — in fact, it's quite likely — that some of the residents of the affluent community farmed out their professions to people like Mr. Kamble in order to take cleaner, more upwardly mobile jobs.

Is this form of corruption doing more good than harm? Would forcing municipal workers to actually work or give up their salaries allow people like Mr. Kamble to fill their jobs legitimately, for higher pay and possibly heath benefits? Or would it place such jobs permanently out of surrogate workers' reach, sending them back to peddling or waste picking?

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New York’s Past and Future in the Wake of Sandy

by Katia Savchuk

Eric Darton has spent his life chronicling the history and culture of his birthplace, New York City. He is the author of "Divided We Stand: A Biography of New York's World Trade Center," the novel "Free City" and many other works of literature and nonfiction. In an article in The Indypendent last month, Darton explored the implications of post-Sandy debates over protecting New York from rising sea levels. Polis interviewed him about how the storm has shifted public debate and the city's changing relationship with its coastline.

How do you think the move to protect New York City from future storms will affect its economic and social landscape?

That depends on what the move — or moves — are, and who makes them. There's a profound disconnect in the city's collective narrative-making process and urban political dynamic. On one hand, the vast majority of folks are going about their lives, perhaps with a heightened awareness of the power of nature to affect the city's functioning and a realization that we are going to have to "do something." On the other hand, Sandy's gift to the political leadership has been a new mode of asserting not only its authority, but its reason for existing. In short, the tide has brought them an amazing opportunity to look leaderly. Virtually every elected official is at pains to propose a multibillion-dollar engineering solution to the threat of flooding in the future. They will be competing fiercely to see who can come up with the highest pricetag and the grooviest technology.

Sandy has made infrastructure — in this case mega-infrastructure — sexy again. It's stolen the thunder from big real estate. We've even come to cherish the subways and marvel at how delicate yet robust they are. One looks at the public structures around one as though we are meeting old friends after a long exile abroad.

The transition came fast, but I don't think it's a flash in the pan. This shift in focus — from the head-in-the-clouds, sky's-the-limit mode to questions of how this place actually functions — may have a grounding influence on our social life.

How this more rooted sense plays out longterm is anyone's guess. There's a story that, while in China, Nixon asked Zhou Enlai what he thought the impact of the French Revolution had been, and Zhou replied, "Too soon to tell."

That said, one doesn't need a crystal ball or a deep historical perspective to see that a debate has opened over who gets protected, what it costs to protect them and who pays. This debate has the potential to become an open political struggle because it will inevitably lead to a rationalization of resources. New York is looking at rezoning itself, both conceptually and materially, along lines it has never had to deal with before. A lot of privilege and wealth is at stake, and there's a potential contest over who and what are actually essential.



You have written that the value of neighborhoods should be based on more than dollars and cents when setting priorities for a flood barrier system. What should determine which neighborhoods are protected from flooding at the expense of others?

My argument is not sentiment-based. I don't think I'm alone in seeing New York City as an organism in which social life and nature are inextricably bound. From there, it becomes possible to look at the economics of the city more broadly.

If Sandy had a silver lining, it was an invitation to do the math differently about what's valuable in the city and how it contributes to the whole. It also gave us an opportunity to re-evaluate the really tremendous resources of the city — demographically and geographically — and ask ourselves how best to organize these.

It is both absurd and dangerous to base our plans for dealing with storm flooding and rising sea levels on the notion that the finance and insurance industries in Lower Manhattan must be preserved at all costs. I think this argument — a version of "too big to fail" — will underlie, if only by implication, much of the discussions about which areas to protect from encroachment by the sea.

It is more interesting to ask how the city can adapt to unpredictable climate events while developing more generative, diverse and self-sustaining economic modes. If we use Sandy as an excuse to drill ourselves deeper into being an economic monoculture, we might as well hang it up as an urban civilization right now.

Generations, even centuries, of planning and governance by elites — compounded by the tendency to think hyper-individualistically and speculatively — has left us without any mechanism for collecting the wisdom of our inhabitants in a meaningful way. This is the fundamental infrastructure we're lacking.

I don't have a ready formula for how to determine which areas of the city should be kept dry and which swallowed by the sea. I want to be involved in a genuine discussion with my fellow New Yorkers about what this city is and what we should be building (or demolishing), given what we know about present circumstances and probable future conditions.

How has New York's relationship with its coastline changed over time?

Within my sixty-something-year lifespan in New York, our perceptions of the coastline have shifted from wild, to domesticated, to wild again. In a George Bellows painting called "River Rats," from around 1905, kids frolic in the water at the base of a looming muddy precipice that looks to be the Manhattan bank of the Harlem River. One of his lithographs, "Splinter Beach," shows young boys diving off the disintegrating bulkheads beneath the Brooklyn Bridge. When I was young, our idea of exhilarating play was to plunge off the rocks near Spuyten Duyvil. It used to give us and the Circle Line spectators a thrill. Later it thrilled me when I watched it from the Circle Line.

Think of "On the Waterfront." Think of the "Dead End Kids," and the movie's tag line: "Every street in New York ends in a river." I remember catching fish and eels in the Hudson in the 1950s, but not being crazy enough to eat what I'd caught. Once upon a time, not so long ago, Red Hook was not about posh lobster, groovy art, Fairway and Ikea. In fact, a lot of it still isn't. But it all went for a swim.

Yes, wild and dangerous was the deal. The docks were rough places and longshoremen were tough guys. One of them, though, flirted with my mother when the two of us went over to see the ocean liner Stockholm in her midtown berth, days after she sliced in half and sank another ship, the Andrea Doria, off Nantucket in 1956. The majority of the Stockholm's brilliant white bow had been vertically sheared away to reveal a dark and cavernous cross-section, a jumble of twisted steelwork dimly visible within. The ship, I knew, was going to be repaired, but I could not imagine her whole again; for this and myriad other reasons, I was aware that the ocean and the waterfront were places of risk.

The removal of New York's port to Newark/Elizabeth, New Jersey, as part of a massive redevelopment of Lower Manhattan in the late 1950s, changed the city's game in fundamental ways. It didn't take us long to forget we'd been a maritime culture for centuries, and apart from a few working piers and ever-declining industrial uses, our waterways and the shores adjoining them became available as manicured playgrounds — at least in concept. When biking or jogging along the riverfront esplanades today, it is hard to believe that these leisurely paths once formed part of a working harbor.

A hinge moment in this transition occurred in the early 1960s, when the Port Authority billed the World Trade Center — upon whose excavated landfill Battery Park City and the World Financial Center now sit — as "The Vertical Port." The WTC Plaza was styled after Piazza San Marco, and tower columns referenced the arches of a palazzo on the Grand Canal. In the financial district one can still see bollards linked by chains demarcating the plaza of an office tower — a gesture that ties the FIRE (Finance, Insurance, Real Estate) industries, if only ironically, to the long epoch of our Great Port.



Now we're looking at our margins differently: they are risky again, and at risk. The measure of land value too has changed, from "How close to the water?" to "How high above it?" The horizontal has flipped 90 degrees. And, paradoxically for a city that fetishizes its skyline, some of the most luxurious vertical structures near the water have become the least viable for longterm habitation.

The metaphor has met the material and reset our sense of spatiality, safety and the role of the elements. In one moment the name Water Street seemed quaint, and in the next it described actual wetness. Hudson Street is blocks from the Hudson, so it seemed almost an arbitrary naming until the river claimed it; I was tempted to try to swim to New Jersey from the new, however temporary, shoreline.

Did Superstorm Sandy change the course of your work? If so, in what direction?

Without being flippant, I'd say it has deepened my work. Sandy affirmed my sense of the impossibility of parsing the city's physical environment from the social. The price of dealing with these as separate entities, or, worse yet, attempting to ignore one at the expense of the other, is to end up precisely where we are now. I believe that one cannot be held responsible for what one is genuinely unaware of. But with awareness comes the potential basis for action and an obligation not to sweep what one now realizes under the rug.

Sandy aroused in me a desire to learn much more about the complex waterways around and about the place that sustains me, and which I endeavor to sustain. Much of my work lies in taking the pulses of the city over time and having conversations with others about the nature of New York's dynamics and its fundamental energies, and how these might be balanced toward the welfare of its constituents. The surge certainly splashed our doors of perception, to borrow from Blake, and it is possible it went a long way toward cleansing them.

The human suffering that resulted from the storm motivated me to more urgently and publicly pose the question I've been asking since I began researching "Divided We Stand." That question was and remains: If we are no longer the Great Port, then what are we doing here? That is, what are New York's standing legs?

It seems to me that we'd be well-advised to consider this kind of question collectively. Any real discussion might sharpen our thinking, and hence our decision-making, when it comes to the strategic and practical management of our relationship with the sea.

How would you recommend preparing New York City for the threats associated with climate change?

First off, we should not see the enormous concentration of people, resources and investment around the shores of our waterways as a static thing. When we were the Great Port, our fate was much more tied to geography. The livelihoods of millions depended on particular things being in particular places — nailed metaphorically, and sometimes actually, into the bedrock.

Then, we had to be invested in a certain kind of planning, mostly top-down, and concerned therefore with zoning, because basic functionality seemed impossible without it. This is no longer the case, and our former mode of existence may no longer be available — at any price. We can be, and must become, a much more ductile, changeable city. This has big implications, but it begins with small, crucial shifts in how we imagine ourselves and our needs, as well as in the ways we negotiate the real and perceived balance between what and how we produce, and what and how we consume.

It may turn out, after honest and thoroughgoing deliberation, that a wise and practical course lies in finding sufficient billions to build one or several storm surge barriers that would presumably protect much of the city's low-lying areas from flood waters. But putting our chips on a nature-busting mega-project will almost certainly divert our energies away from adapting and transforming our city's internal structures. At best we'll have bought a bit of time to go on doing our old, ever more delirious dance.

I am wary of shifting obsessions, from security against terrorists to security against tides, which divert attention from finding out how to live in a lucid, self-sustaining, equitable and dignified way with the changes that have transpired and those to come. In short, I question reflexive, fear-based responses to having taken a hit.

One can sit down and think of a thousand ways that New Yorkers could be better positioned to deal with disaster. Two people can think of 10 thousand, and 10 thousand can think of them all. It's a matter of having the political will to have this discussion and carry it through into our social practices as a city.

One strategy would be to use Sandy as a way to re-establish our relationship with the sea and become, in some measure, a maritime culture again. Significant economic activity could result from this, especially if it extends into engineering and producing locally and greenly, and, wherever possible, collectively or co-operatively, actual things the world needs. We have a smart enough population and work ethic to spare.



How would you characterize the relationship between your recent article on storm preparation and your previous writing on New York?

In my previous writings, particularly "Divided We Stand," I explored how New York transformed with the de-portation of its port and the exponential growth of the FIRE sector. For a couple of decades, as FIRE turned to bonfire, the city boomed on in the blindest way, cruising for a take-down. How, I asked, even more urgently after 9/11, can we begin to unwind our position as a monoculture? Sandy's arrival reintroduced that question in geographic terms — it became clear that the financial district was by no means an environmentally securitized Green Zone.

Almost immediately, some folks leaped to the conclusion that making FiDi (the Financial District) proof against the elements had to be accomplished at all cost. But I stalled at that premise. Wall Street does not need to be located on Wall Street and, in fact, much of it isn't any more. And the thought came to me that, from a standpoint of pure economic function, this part of Lower Manhattan is not innately more important than anywhere else. A century before, New York had grown a whole new central business district uptown on higher ground, within close reach of many bridges and tunnels, and directly connected by rail with Long Island, the west and points north.

But astounding amounts of dough are tied up in FiDi real estate and public works. The economic function of the area, therefore, does not lie in the wealth it produces but rather reflects its symbolic value — it serves, in essence, as its own derivative — and thus buttresses New York's grand speculative ensemble as a whole. That's the sacred bull in such need of protection, and for which no sacrifice is deemed too great.

So, in a wholly unanticipated way — at least not one anticipated by me — Sandy exposed exactly how daft our strategy as a city has been: pouring untold resources into incredibly tenuous financial schemes and mad downtown hole-diggings, bathtub-buildings and tower-rearings, nakedly piratic abuses of eminent domain. All this at the expense of constructing a sane, feet-on-the-ground city — one capable of operating in its own best interest and sustaining the basic welfare of its inhabitants.

The flood showed how really precarious our situation is, particularly given the widespread perception of New York as a fortunate place, a muscular, wealth-charmed city, a mythic zone where movement tends perpetually upward. See? Knock down our towers and we'll build bigger ones.

Given what's at stake, it's clear that whatever engineering we use to keep the water from flowing in will be predicated on a desperate attempt to keep investment from flowing out.

You have created a living archive of the World Trade Center before and after 9/11, expanding upon your research for "Divided We Stand." Can archiving be more than remembering, paying tribute to and reflecting upon the past? If so, how might we integrate it into policy decisions and public discourse?

Archiving seems a central element of recognizing oneself as belonging to a polity. It provides us with a forensic record of who we were when, and what we believed ourselves to be about. If the various archives of our city came to serve as an active ingredient in our collective decision-making, we might be able to stand, if only for a moment, outside our mythologies, perhaps long enough to recognize who we are and what we need. Given enough practice, we might begin to argue what needs to be argued, and by doing so, form ourselves into a true public, made up of sovereign individuals.

Credits: Photos by Eric Darton.

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Portraits of a City in Extreme Transition

by Peter Sigrist

Igor Moukhin is an ingenious photographer of life in cities, especially the parts that don't appear in branding campaigns. His work reveals the glamorous in the mundane, and the mundane in the glamorous, never striking a false note. He shows how fascinating a city is, without idealizing it.



Since the mid-1980s, Moukhin has been capturing many sides of Moscow — youth to elders, monuments to benches, days to nights. His work spans one of the most extreme transitions in modern history, as Soviet society gave way to a new reality.







Moukhin photographed "samizdat" (self-published) rock musicians and worked on a project called "Youth of the Big City" from 1985 to 1989. He eventually left his job at a security apparatus to make his way as a freelance photographer.



Even as he gained worldwide recognition, Moukhin kept photographing his surroundings in Moscow. The pictures here are from his new monograph "My Moscow," which vividly documents the city from 1985 to 2010. You can find more of his frequently updated work on Flickr.

This is part of a collection of featured artists from around the world. We welcome you to feature artists in Polis guest posts any time you feel inspired.

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John Dewey on Experience and Reason



Source: Red Swing Project

“[D]oing may be directed so as to take up into its own content all which thought suggests, and so as to result in securely tested knowledge. ‘Experience’ then ceases to be empirical and becomes experimental. Reason ceases to be a remote and ideal faculty, and signifies all the resources by which activity is made fruitful in meaning.”

— John Dewey in Democracy and Education, 1916

This is part of the Polis collection of quotes related to cities.

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International Collaboration on Urban Development in Alexandria

by Rebecka Gordan



Nine months after the Egyptian revolution last year, the Stockholm-based Färgfabriken Center for Contemporary Art and Architecture organized a three-day workshop in Alexandria with Gudran Association for Art and Development, the local Swedish Institute and the department of architecture at Alexandria University. Participants included municipal administrators, architects, artists, urban planners and students, from Alexandria, Cairo, Amman, Beirut, Istanbul, Damascus and Stockholm. The program was part of a larger project called New Urban Topologies.



The aim of the workshop was to create a holistic view of the city based on a shared platform for discussing its identity, history and future possibilities. A number of themes emerged gradually, revolving around collaborative planning, public space, infrastructure and industrial renewal. These themes became chapters of a new book called "Alexandria. City of Layers," for which I served as editor.





The layers in the title refer to physical and mental traces left throughout the city by people of diverse cultures who have come together there for thousands of years. The book documents the New Urban Topologies project with summaries of workshop presentations and interviews with participants. It also includes essays on Alexandria, and a rich assortment of images. Translated into English and Arabic, the book was launched this month in Alexandria. The Swedish release takes place on Nov. 27 at Färgfabriken in Stockholm. The electronic version is now available for free.





Inspired by the results from the workshop, the director of the urban planning department in Alexandria has initiated a second New Urban Topologies meeting in Feb. 2013, with a focus on dialogue, transparency and participation in planning processes. The industrial area and old cotton district Minet el-Bassal will serve as a case study, and the findings will inform a new plan for the area.



Participants in the New Urban Typologies project hope the book will lead to sustained collaboration between Egypt and Sweden in fostering creative approaches to urban development.

Credits: Images from "Alexandria. City of Layers."

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Design Mobilization

by Ann Thorpe

A new book, "Architecture & Design versus Consumerism: How Design Activism Confronts Growth," explores the "meaning gap" between the potential in architecture and design for social good and the commercialism and consumerism that serve as context for the professions. This article — part of a virtual book tour — focuses on mobilization, one of five methods for design activism explored in the book.


Metered parking spaces become temporary parks on International Park(ing) Day. Source: Andrea Sher, courtesy of Rebar

Designers concerned with transforming cities for ecological sustainability face the challenge of engaging (or re-engaging) people with urban places. How to signal the need for a more hospitable urban environment? Drawing upon longstanding methods for political activism, design can be applied in concert with mobilization.

Mobilization brings together numerous participants for a specific purpose without demanding further involvement. Such efforts are often aimed at showing that a particular issue has salience for a population with collective power by way of voting, purchasing or volunteering. Classic forms of mobilization include marches, boycotts and petition drives. Events such as Earth Day have inspired initiatives like Buy Nothing Day and Bike to Work Day, as well as festival-like events (dubbed "protestivals").

Designers engage in conventional mobilization tactics as well as methods rooted in their unique skill sets. Architecture 2030 organized an emergency "teach-in" aimed at bringing design education into the environmental movement. The global event was webcast in February 2007 to 250,000 design students and educators from 48 countries. Rebar’s International Park(ing) Day mobilizes widespread urban "hacking" to turn metered parking spaces into micro-parks for a day, drawing attention to the dominance of automobiles and awakening alternative possibilities.

The San Francisco chapter of Architects, Designers and Planners for Social Responsibility organized a boycott aimed at the design, construction and renovation of U.S. prisons. Three hundred participants signed on to voice disapproval of the rapidly expanding "prison system’s treatment of inmates, and its inherent racial and social inequalities."


"Adaptable Hillside Classrooms," a competition entry for the 2009 Open Architecture Challenge. Source: Feilden Clegg Bradley Studios

Design competitions and awards aimed at social change typically mobilize designers toward addressing global problems. Competitions can help publicize important issues, attract design services and recruit sponsors toward implementing winning projects. Green Ground Zero organized an international design competition to solicit ecologically sensitive development plans for a neighborhood destroyed in the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The aim was to pressure those in charge of redevelopment to make public health and environmental sustainability top priorities.

There has been some debate in the design community about whether design competitions are worth the time and effort. John Peterson, founder of Public Architecture, questions their value:
More than anything, I couldn’t stop thinking about the hundreds upon hundreds of proposals, representing countless ideas and thousands of hours of work that go into each competition. So much of this work ends up on storage room shelves or in rarely seen portfolios. Is this the most effective use of our collective time and energy?
By contrast, T. Luke Young and Alix Ogilvie of Architecture for Humanity argue that, even when competition entries aren't built, their creation leads to change in important ways: First, competitions raise awareness about the spatial dimensions of societal problems, both for the designers who participate and for the people who view their submissions. Second, the process of peer review and the diversity of entries serve to develop a knowledge base about design's potential in a given challenge area, while also highlighting potential tensions or trade-offs in approaches that may not be as apparent in a single design response. Third, a competition’s real results tend to emerge much later. T. Luke Young notes that Architecture for Humanity grew out of a single competition; and anecdotal evidence suggests that, although "social change" competitions don't require long-term engagement, participants often apply the ideas developed in their submissions toward future projects with similar objectives.

Competitions sometimes end with exhibitions of winning entries, but exhibitions in themselves offer another way for designers to mobilize large groups of people. The U.K. regional Design of the Time (DOTT) program hosted the Contains exhibition, curated by [re]design, to explore the social and environmental issues surrounding product design and use. It took place in a series of shipping containers placed around Newcastle’s retail district, where an estimated 40,000 shoppers viewed the exhibit over a 10-day period.


The Contains exhibition addressed the social and environmental issues associated with consumer products. Visitors received a "credit card" with information on how to avoid wasteful consumption. Source: [re]design

One of the most important things about mobilization is its value as a conceptual tool for engaging people and signaling the need for change. It also stretches designers to consider initiatives that lie beyond the boundaries of a single project. In addition, it gives designers a common language to use with other activists.

To learn about other design activism methods, pick up a copy of "Architecture & Design versus Consumerism" (Earthscan/Routledge 2012) on Amazon or use the 20-percent discount code BRK96 at Routledge. Follow the tour on Twitter via #DvC12 and at the following stops along the way: Oct. 2 and 4 — Shareable; Oct. 9 — Polis; Oct. 16 and 18 — Green Conduct; Oct. 23 — Transforming Cultures (Worldwatch); Oct. 30 — Post Growth Institute; Nov. 6 — no tour stop so get out and VOTE; Nov. 13 — The Dirt (American Association of Landscape Architects); Nov. 20 — Proto City.

Ann Thorpe is a collaborative design strategist and author of "Architecture & Design versus Consumerism." Ann also wrote "The Designer’s Atlas of Sustainability" and serves as strategist for the Seattle-based social enterprise luum.

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Conversation with the Sketches of Léon Krier

by Hector Fernando Burga



Peeking at the work of Léon Krier is like jumping into a rabbit hole that leads to a surreal city of magical proportions, strange juxtapositions and off-scale perspectives. Buildings acquire deformed identities, the human body becomes a source of urban morphology, and urbanism plays the role of a heroine in the classic fable of good versus evil.



I often return to Krier’s sketches to reconnect with a particular kind of prowess in graphic argumentation that I have yet to see in other urbanists and architects of his generation. Krier cultivates an inventory of images to mobilize polemical positions. These diagrams, caricatures and renderings have inspired an alternative canon of city form and architectural design over the past 30 years. He fences with our visual imagination, design sensibilities and common sense to reveal a parallel voice that informs the future of cities. The brevity of lines and choice of subjects in his sketches point to a clear mission: forging an alterative path away from the dogma of "starchitecture," the fetish of the avant-garde and the acrobatics of form.



In the world of Krier’s sketches, the city’s inhabitants, consumers and users are narcotized subjects dazed by contemporary design fashions. Krier challenges our perspective on what defines meaningful design and urban form by pointing us toward the language of classicism: historical stability based on precedent, and design values based on a respect for tradition.



Krier’s fundamentalism is evident in his drawings. The sketches are un-apologetic and uncompromising in their rhetorical force. He selects his targets with care and directs his graphic essays like an embedded sniper hidden deep in the enemy territory of modernist design discourse. Howard Kunstler in the opening portion of a monograph on his sketches explains:
Krier’s polemical books were always accompanied by drawings, diagrams and cartoons, which illustrated his points with tremendous economy and wit. This was a good tactic for a crusader attempting to penetrate the mental defenses of opponents who hid behind the sandbags of ideology and artistic creativity. In these drawings, the verbally adept could be engaged by direct appeal to the brain higher’s cognitive courts, where their metaphysical torts would be dismissed by more persuasive graphic evidence: the artistic creatives could be hoisted easily on the petards of their own pretension by straightforward depictions of the self evident. The potency of his drawings derives from our recognition that a persistent reality still exists. And that it endures despite the intellectual legerdemain of those who create their own reality.


There are no gray areas in Krier’s sketches, no shades of interrogation or fudges that may signal a white flag. One only finds the stark paleness of white voids interacting with the fierce direction of black lines pointing at the enemy: the modern city, its buildings and its architects.



Beyond their graphic qualities, Krier’s sketches are also dominated by contradictions. His war for rhetorical supremacy is engineered around reductive dichotomies and essentialisms. His disavowal of modernism is based on the totality of representation, and his process of interrogating contemporary design values is supported by an equally normative set of cultural, social and political determinisms. Krier’s drawings invite you to debate in the forum of the page, but they close the opportunity for conversation at the same time.



I find such inherent tensions rewarding for their pedagogical value. Krier’s visions provide useful lessons on how to forge lucid graphic representations that capture the imagination and feeling of the viewer. They allow designers to re-think their work as an act of engagement with a non-design oriented public through the craft of drawing. At the same time, his sketches portray an utterly idiosyncratic and unrelenting spirit. They serve as a warning for how rhetorical devices can foreclose an opposing point of view in a conversation about cities that must be inclusive and open.



Perhaps what is fascinating about Krier’s sketches is their capacity to capture this paradox in a compelling opus that extends into texts, a few buildings and a wide influence on architects of our generation. This is what makes Krier’s sketches modern in spirit and simultaneously classic frames of reference.



How will Léon Krier’s sketches stand the test of time? Will they become hieroglyphs of archeological polemics or clues for design innovation in a not-so-distant future?

Credits: Illustrations from "Drawing for Architecture (Writing Architecture)" by Léon Krier.

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Review: ‘Designing for Social Change‘

by Andrew Wade



It is my hope that we are only in the infancy of the "social design" movement — a time when genuine social engagement remains a peripheral niche in the field of design. In "Designing for Social ChangeAndrew Shea confirms this hope by demonstrating the enormous potential for growth, professional satisfaction and transformative change that social design wields. In outlining 10 strategies for community engagement, and breathing life into them with two concise case studies apiece, the book inspires and teaches in equal measure.

Each case illustrates the design process from beginning to end, from the design challenge to the engagement and design strategy to outcomes and lessons learned. While clear and striking images of designed booklets, posters and signs abound, photos of communities interacting with and using these products is given priority. As such, this reads as a handbook for action that appeals specifically to graphic designers seeking to engage communities through their work. However, the strategies are broadly applicable to any designer looking to fully inform his or her product with a well-conceived and context-sensitive process.

One case study, which expands on the strategy of "utilizing local resources," involved raising awareness of Chicago’s water use. The flow of the Chicago River was reversed in 1900, and nearly 2.1 billion gallons of fresh water per day continue to be diverted from the Great Lakes Basin. Moving Design — a group of 16 designers, architects, street artists, educators and engineers — decided to tackle this issue.

Their project was designed to critique the unsustainable nature of such planning by designing a series of public murals throughout the city. Through a process of open-sourcing ideas as a team, they created a portfolio of intervention options: typographic water murals on concrete walls, data projects, fading messages written on sidewalks in ice cubes. With an arsenal of carefully considered, collaborative design interventions throughout the city, Moving Design was able to get many residents, including then-mayor Richard Daley, to speak openly about the possibility of reversing the flow of the river for more sustainable urban water management.

Shea concludes the book with a brief but essential chapter on "funding social design," which outlines various ways to receive compensation for design work. The chapter explores potential avenues to reserve copyright and crediting privileges for pro bono work, write grants or set up non-profit branches of design studios. After presenting inspirational examples of community-based graphic design, this final chapter makes it a convincing and feasible path for all designers. It serves as a subtle prompt to widen and integrate social design with the mainstream in practical terms.


A Moving Design participant paints a mural to raise awareness about water use in Chicago.

The book owes an acknowledged debt to the "Human-Centered Design Toolkit" and "Design for Social Impact: A How-To Guide" by IDEO, a design consultancy firm that has openly embraced design thinking to innovate for clients in both the private and public sectors. By amplifying this message, "Designing for Social Change" pushes forward design thinking as an avenue for enabling social change and poverty alleviation. This leads us to larger questions excavated by social design. How do we deal ethically with the inherently political nature of design as portrayed in this book? How do we continue the growth of "social design" so that it does not remain a niche, but is simply an assumed and integrated part of good design?

While the corporate sector cloaks itself in the mantra of sustainability, leveraging market research to promote profit and growth through the green economy, community work largely remains the realm of the "unprofessional" professionals — those shackled by their own capacity for empathy. At its best, this book reveals that inspired graphic design can emerge from deliberative community engagement, leaving behind not only deliverable design products, but also communities that feel empowered through clear communication, imagination and action.

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Ian Bentley et al. on Responsive Environments



Vietnam street scene, photographed by Tracy Gross. Source: IBIT

"[T]he built environment should provide its users with an essentially democratic setting, enriching their opportunities by maximising the degree of choice available to them. We call such places responsive."

Ian Bentley, Sue McGlynn, Graham Smith, Alan Alcock and Paul Murrain in "Responsive Environments," 1985

This is part of a collection of quotes related to cities. They don't necessarily represent our views, just topics of interest. We welcome you to add others.

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Review: ‘Urban Constellations’

by Andrew Wade


Montréal Biosphère (2007). Source: Matthew Gandy

In a recent conversation on Polis, urban geographer Matthew Gandy touched on the multiple registers of urban governance, development, society, media and film that link with contemporary debates on cities. These viewpoints — framed as a reference to Sigfried Kracauer's "vignettes" — collectively render a vital, kaleidoscopic view of the modern and historical city. As editor of "Urban Constellations," Gandy collects an astounding 43 contributing authors, loosely and artfully shuffling them into chapters on "Urban Lexicons," "Crises and Perturbations," "Excursions," "Places and Spaces" and "Projections."

Most entries are distilled text from wider ruminations on topics ranging from London's Trellick Tower to property markets and capital accumulation in East Asian cities. The chapter on "Excursions," which prioritizes image over text to highlight the work of young artists and photographers, is a welcome deviation from the pattern. This segment of the book begs to be designed in a way that capitalizes on the shift in content — full-bleed images and a more striking graphic layout.


Buenos Aires (2006). Source: Matthew Gandy

Providing a glimpse into the past five years' work at the Urban Laboratory of University College London, the book quietly makes a case for cross-disciplinary urban research and the complexity and contradictions that emerge from it. In an indispensable introduction, Gandy pinpoints the relevance of both urban processes and the cities that generate them:
The idea of the 'urban' encompasses far more than the 'city' as a bounded or discrete entity, since the cultural, political, technological, and ecological impacts of urbanisation extend to the most remote regions. Yet we cannot dispense entirely with this distinction between cities and urbanisation because cities have served as catalysts for successive waves of modernity and many 'city-states' also perform specific roles as nodes for connectivity and exchange.
While this collection of short essays does not claim to provide answers, it does lead the reader to contemplate the collection of included themes. While aligning these stars into a recognizable image is a monumental task, this book presents the firmament of urban scholarship in an engaging way that encourages us to make our own connections.

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Review: ‘City, Street and Citizen’

by Andrew Wade

One of the latest arrivals in Routledge's Advances in Ethnography series is "City, Street and Citizen: The Measure of the Ordinary," based on urban ethnographer Suzanne Hall's years of research in South London. A lecturer and researcher in the Cities Programme at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), Hall will speak at a book launch there this evening.

The book's subtitle becomes paramount to answering its fundamental question: "How can we learn from a multicultural society if we don’t know how to recognize it?" (128). This preliminary and indispensable step of recognition — and subsequent measurement — of the "ordinary" city is the impetus of the book's structure and sequencing.

As the author rightly points out, "Measuring, whether scientific or serendipitous, is an act of ascribing value" (110). What value judgements are constructed based on our system of measuring a multicultural society?

In the book, Hall systematically unpacks complex notions of global urbanization, urban migration and accelerated change, peering at them from the vantage point of the urban margins. She neatly frames this window on the "ordinary" through skillfully rendered, in-depth accounts of two establishments on South London's Walworth Road: Nick's Caff and Reyd's Bespoke Tailor Shop. Thanks to Hall's flair for writing and ethnographic methodology, she relates years of research not as an isolated staccato of dry observation, but as legato prose that pulls the reader into the story.

Capitalizing on her architectural expertise, Hall lets the juxtaposition of space and its uses frame the personal interactions she observes. Complementing ethnographic research with this architectural and spatial thinking is a unique strength of the book, opening up new avenues of inquiry among people, place and behavior.

The value of such inquiry becomes apparent in the analysis of urban change through deceptively simple observation of the minutiae of daily life on Walworth Road. Active observation of attire, shop tools, seating patterns and the shifting use of space throughout a daily cycle become clues to the internal rhythms of the city. Through conversations with shop owners and clientele, the book begins to trace the impacts and adaptations of the street to urban migration and change occurring on an unprecedented scale. In doing so, it demonstrates the importance of reading the city by immersing oneself within it.





By taking the city street as the fundamental unit of analysis — the site where urban space and society converge, collide and contradict — abstract global phenomena are made visible in the reality of daily interaction.

The title of the book remains central to this continuous interplay between the scales of the street and the city, the individual and the collective. Critiquing the classification of individuals into standard survey categories (ethnicity, income, religion, etc.), Hall claims that:
the tools of the survey short-circuit our understanding of how diverse individuals and groups establish meeting points and assert divisions in a context of accelerated urban change. The challenge for fine-grained research is how to reveal individual experiences alongside the histories of migration, racism and class that are saturated in London’s local landscapes (13).




In a time when so much attention is diverted to the extraordinary, Hall focuses on dissecting an "ordinary," multi-ethnic urban street, using it to unravel the relations between people and planning. She describes a scenario in which urban change is imported to Walworth Road in the form of diverse groups of immigrants, established residents, and their seen and unseen boundaries to participation in public life. This vibrant milieu forces incremental adaptation and reordering of spaces and behavior, which Hall clearly depicts in diagrams and sub-chapters on skills and values, diversity and cultural customs.

This work stands as a crucial piece in a larger puzzle of visualizing the dynamics of urban multi-cultures and their manifestation in the ordinary London streetscape. As Hall rightly proclaims, the implications of such research can operate on various registers of policy and planning, helping to critique the politics of secular nationalism and the multiple, unfounded assumptions on which it is based.

Spurred by Stuart Hall’s (1993: 361) prediction that "the capacity to live with difference is, in my view, the coming question of the twenty-first century," this research on a multi-ethnic street in London grasps the lived realities and consequences of rapid urban change.

Credits: Photos of Walworth Road by Emily Webber.

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Urban Design for the Public Realm

by Peter Sigrist


Billy Goat Hill Park in San Francisco's Diamond Heights neighborhood. Source: San Francisco Days

"Public Places - Urban Spaces" — a recently updated textbook on urban design and planning — includes a review of six place-making frameworks by the likes of Kevin Lynch, Nan Ellin and the Congress for a New Urbanism. The frameworks range from criteria to manifestos, at scales from the region to the home. While each has a different orientation, in sum they offer a mix of touchstones, principles, characteristics, goals and approaches linked with "good" urban design. They're useful in developing standards for comparative evaluation, which can be applied adaptively toward creating healthy, democratic and attractive public space in cities.

Matthew Carmona, Tim Heath, Taner Oc and Steve Tiesdell structured "Public Places - Urban Spaces" around dimensions (morphological, perceptual, social, visual, functional, temporal) and processes (development, control, communication) for consideration in adopting a "holistic" urban design process. They frequently refer to the integrated nature of these dimensions, as well as the importance of context and politics:
Effective place-making demands sensitivity to, and cognisance of, power dynamics in and across urban space and its production. Urban designers thus need to understand the contexts within which they operate and the processes by which places and developments come about. As in many spheres, there is often an implementation gap between theory and practice and, in the case of policy, between high-level, aspirational principles and local delivery (11).
Based on these considerations, along with initiatives by the Project for Public Spaces, Building for Life and the Urban Design Alliance, the authors outline a series of questions aimed at building "an agenda for improving the quality of place" (359). Citing Ernest Sternberg, they discuss the threats to public space from "real estate markets that would treat land and buildings as 'discrete commodities'" (Sternberg 2000: 265), explaining that "without conscious concern for urban design as a process of restoring or giving qualities of coherence and continuity to individual, often inward-focused developments, overall place quality is inevitably neglected" (14).

The authors acknowledge the problems with assigning definitions and formulas to urban design, summarizing this point in the final chapter:
while most definitions of urban design are appropriate and valuable, they are also limiting and contestable. Although some useful frameworks from distinguished urban designers were presented, they were accompanied by the caveat that they should not be treated as inflexible dogma, nor reduced to mechanical formulas. Application of a formula negates the active process of design and downgrades the role of the designer and of design intelligence. No single set of rules (or objectives) can capture the scope and complexity of urban design, nor offer a step by step formula for successful place-making. It is an exploratory, intuitive and deductive process involving research into the problem posed and into the variable and specific conditions of time and place. The complex interactions between the variety of processes and elements in a place can, however, be examined and these can give generic clues to why some places succeed while others fail (359).
Thus, while it's helpful to set up common languages for evaluating and improving urban environments, the design process should, of course, be rooted in a thorough understanding of each project's unique and multi-faceted dimensions. This seems the best approach to collectively developing public space with the care that cherished private space receives.

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Class Struggle in the City

by Andrew Wade


Protest in Valparaíso, Chile in May 2011. Source: Dave_B_

Last Thursday, geographer and social theorist David Harvey discussed the “Urbanization of Class Struggle” at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), sharing ideas from his latest book “Rebel Cities: From the Right to the City to the Urban Revolution” with an overflowing audience. Employing arguments that he has spent years refining, Harvey built upon Henri Lefebvre’s notion of the “Right to the City,” making the case for a metropolitan protagonist in scenes of volatile socioeconomic inequality and political strife. Recent upheaval witnessed in the Arab Spring, Occupy Wall Street and the demonstrations in London have generated an eager readership for this latest, timely offering.

In an eloquent narrative, Harvey explained how the capitalist mode of production shapes and degrades urban life, stating that, “Capitalist urbanization has been ruinous for the environment and for collective forms of action.” Consistently referring to the ill-effects of the competitive accumulation of wealth in cities, Harvey drew connections between rising personal and municipal debts, the shining beacon of home ownership in the United States and the restricted freedoms that result. Recognizing that “debt encumbered homeowners don’t go on strike,” capitalism came to life as a suffocating force, marginalizing and disempowering threats to its growth.

Harvey took the example of New York, where half of the population lives on an annual salary of less than $30,000, to illustrate the magnitude of inequality underlying contemporary urban struggles. Despite dispersed uprisings and changes of leadership around the world, systems of power are lingering legacies that are difficult to dismantle. Restructuring them to generate more equitable and sustainable futures is a complex task, which could mean that future urban conflict is inevitable.


Tweet on a Harvey quote during the event. Source: @twendelee


Source: @LSECities

On Twitter (#lserebel), students, press and others in attendance captured potent points in real time, propelling the discussion beyond the confines of the theater. An audience member confronted the discordance between Harvey’s message and the banner with which he shared the stage, which proclaimed Deutsche Bank's sponsorship of LSE Cities. Asking if he was comfortable with this corporate involvement, Harvey replied: “Easy answer — no.” While there was no subsequent discussion of the intentions and implications of such sponsorship, the question drew the support of many in the crowd. This reinforced a consistent theme of the evening: Conflicting ideologies and messages, along with social and political unrest, are on the rise, and their expression is increasingly magnified in cities.

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