(Re)photographing Palma

While wandering along Barcelona’s streets earlier this year, I stumbled upon the Barcelona Photographic Archive exposition on rephotographing the city. I thought this was an intriguing approach to exploring urban change over time, so when I came across century-old photos of Palma de Mallorca I decided to try my hand.



Palma has an extensive and very well-maintained old quarter, replete with a maze of narrow streets and dozens of churches. What is remarkable is how the urban form of many places has changed only slightly over the past 100 years, particularly the Plaça de Cort (Court Square) area around City Hall, pictured above and below. The main signs of change here are shop fronts and people's clothing.



The same is true of a quirky side street next to the theater, where 50-plus years ago vendors sold traditional bags and baskets weaved on the island. Now these have been replaced with inexpensive goods made in China.



The wall surrounding the old city used to have waves lapping up to its edge. Now land outside the walls has been reclaimed to build a park and road beside the sea. In Ses Voltes, just inside the city’s wall (as seen below), what was formerly used as a military outpost is now a civic space used for outdoor concerts. The indoor space under the wall is now a museum.



Finally, the Passeig des Born, a popular place to stroll and enjoy the city, is now bustling with people. The photo I found from a century ago gives an empty, vacant feeling.



There is no doubt that the city and island have transformed dramatically over the past century, particularly with the advent of mass tourism, which brings many thousands of visitors each year. It is nonetheless fascinating to clearly visualize through rephotography how some urban scenes change and others stay almost the same.

Credits: All historic photos from Fotos Antiguas de Mallorca. All new photos from Melissa García Lamarca. Thanks to Diego Borbalan Cabañero for his help rephotographing.

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Semiotics of Sticker Art in Providence

If you wander around Providence and pay close attention to tarnished street signs, dusty corners and dilapidated doors, you can occasionally find a small black-and-white square with a message from the past: Andre the Giant Has a Posse. The discovery of one of these old and faded stickers invariably sends a thrill down my spine. I have stumbled upon a secret, a special heritage, an ancient symbol of the city I now love. Some do not know, some have forgotten, but I, I remember.

Of course, the stickers are not secrets at all, but manifestations of a well-documented event in artistic history. In 1989, Rhode Island School of Design student Shepard Fairey printed the stickers and distributed them to the local skater community, who quietly stuck them all over Providence, sparking their eventual appearance in cities all over the world. Andre the Giant Has a Posse went viral before the Internet did, foretelling the rise of the image-with-caption meme. Crisp up the grainy ink-on-vinyl image a bit, and you can even imagine that Andre the Giant is a character in a rage comic.


Old meme, new meme. Analog, digital. Sources: OBEY GIANT (left) and Know Your Meme (right)

Fairey’s second Andre sticker, a close-up of the giant’s brow printed on a red or white background with the slogan “OBEY,” blew up a hundred times greater than the first. Like Andre the Giant Has a Posse, OBEY GIANT was adopted by skaters and spread, slowly seeping into the mainstream. Today OBEY supports a department-store assortment of merchandise. OBEY stickers are easy to find in Providence and, I suspect, are still stuck up fairly often.


This mural by Shepard Fairey has become an unofficial symbol of Providence. Source: AS220

Fairey’s career flourished with his sticker campaigns, and his art has became Providence’s brand. Several local businesses have adopted his bold red-and-black palette, and the mural he designed for the back wall of local arts nonprofit AS220 symbolizes the city in the eyes of many residents, myself included. While not all Providence residents know the story of Andre the Giant Has a Posse, I’m confident that nearly everyone in the city can recognize Fairey’s art.

The transition of Fairey’s illustrations from counterculture to mainstream exemplifies the evolution of sticker art at large. For street artists, stickers function much like graffiti tags, requiring more preparation beforehand but less time when it comes time to do the sticker “bombing.”


A recently (within the past few years) bombed OBEY GIANT sticker.

When Fairey was a student, stickers were big in the punk scene, used for decoration, promotion or to convey a political message. (An essay by Fairey on sticker art can be found here.) And, like every other type of street art, stickers are now used as advertising by commercial vendors. The street signs in Providence are still covered, but 90 percent of them carry logos for smoke shops or vegetarian restaurants, list the lineups at local venues or peddle some other sort of product likely to appeal to the demographic who reads stickers on street signs.


Stickers on a street sign in Providence.

IDEO, the international design firm that Fortune 500 companies and national governments turn to when they need an unconventional solution to a pie-in-the-sky problem, was once hired to help encourage democratic participation in Peru. The team of designers handed out “Fix This!” (“Arregla Esto!”) stickers to citizens of Cuzco and told them to stick them on anything they thought was broken. In very little time, the stickers piled up on surfaces throughout the city, including government buildings, police cars and school doors. The appeal of “sticking it to the man” was irresistible.

I find the many ways to "stick it" fascinating and somewhat amusing. Stripped to its essence, sticker bombing is not much different from scent marking. See this pole here? This is MY POLE. But sticking it is also a richly symbolic form of communication. A few square inches are enough to carry an image or a phrase that can encourage action or create a sense of cultural belonging that lasts long after the person who posted the sticker moves on.

Credits: Photos by Melanie Friedrichs unless otherwise noted in the captions.

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Hardt and Negri on Sharing



Democratic commons ...

"A democracy of the multitude is imaginable and possible only because we all share and participate in the common. By "the common" we mean, first of all, the common wealth of the material world — the air, the water, the fruits of the soil, and all nature's bounty — which in classic European political texts is often claimed to be the inheritance of humanity as a whole, to be shared together. We consider the common also and more significantly those results of social production that are necessary for social interaction and further production, such as knowledges, languages, codes, information, affects, and so forth. This notion of the common does not position humanity separate from nature, as either its exploiter or its custodian, but focuses rather on the practices of interaction, care, and cohabitation in a common world, promoting the beneficial and limiting the detrimental forms of the common. In the era of globalization, issues of the maintenance, production, and distribution of the common in both these senses and in both ecological and socioeconomic frameworks become increasingly central" (viii).

Private/public and capitalist/socialist as false alternatives ...

"The seemingly exclusive alternative between the private and the public corresponds to an equally pernicious political alternative between capitalism and socialism. It is often assumed that the only cure for the ills of capitalist society is public regulation and Keynesian and/or socialist economic management; and, conversely, socialist maladies are presumed to be treatable only by private property and capitalist control. Socialism and capitalism, however, even though they have at times been mingled together and at others occasioned bitter conflicts, are both regimes of property that excluded the common. The political project of instituting the common ... cuts diagonally across these false alternatives" (ix).

Power is embodied in property and capital, and embedded in law ...

"A kind of apocalypticism reigns among the contemporary conceptions of power, with warnings of new imperialisms and new fascisims. Everything is explained by sovereign power and the state of exception, that is, the general suspension of rights and the emergence of a power that stands above the law. ... The problem with this picture is that its focus on transcendent authority and violence eclipses and mystifies the really dominant forms of power that continue to rule over us today — power embodied in property and capital, power embedded in and fully supported by the law" (3-4).

Definition of biopolitics ...

"We adopt a terminological distinction, suggested by Foucault's writings but not used consistently by him, between biopower and biopolitics, whereby the former could be defined (rather crudely) as the power over life and the latter as the power of life to resist and determine an alternative production of subjectivity (57) ... which not only resists power but also seeks autonomy from it" (56).

Sharing increases capacity ...

"[B]iopolitical production is not constrained by the logic of scarcity. It has the unique characteristic that it does not destroy or diminish the raw materials from which it produces wealth. Biopolitical production puts bios to work without consuming it. Furthermore its product is not exclusive. When I share an idea or image with you, my capacity to think with it is not lessened; on the contrary, our exchange of ideas and images increases my capacities" (284).

Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri in "Commonwealth," 2011

This is part of a collection of featured quotes related to cities. They don't necessarily reflect our views, just topics of interest. We welcome you to add others.

Credits: Image of a bike-sharing station is from Livin' in the Bike Lane.

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National Park Commemorates Women's Rights

Recent visits to the George Eastman House and the Susan B. Anthony House left me troubled. The museums were far from disappointing, but their budgets seemed widely unequal. As one might expect, the founder of Eastman Kodak lived in a stunning mansion in a neighborhood of mansions, and his estate is now a destination for photography enthusiasts around the world.


Susan B. Anthony's attic workspace. Source: Susan B. Anthony House

Anthony lived in a handsome Italianate home in a currently resurgent neighborhood, a destination for those who value social justice. But despite her contributions to society, and extraordinary work by museum organizers, there doesn't appear to be enough funding to recreate her living space. This is largely because Anthony's house was inhabited by others for many years after she passed away in 1906, and efforts to take it off the market and make it a museum got nowhere until 1945. A picture there of Frederick Douglass (left) is a sad reminder that his home in Rochester no longer exists. There is no official museum dedicated to his legacy in the city where he lived for almost 30 years and published the groundbreaking North Star anti-slavery newspaper.

In a market-dominated society, many valuable initiatives go unrealized for lack of resources. While markets can also serve as means of autonomy in a state-dominated society, allowing profit motives to determine resource allocation results in a culturally, ecologically, politically, socially and economically impoverished world.



Fortunately there are still examples of a better way. One is the Women's Rights National Historical Park in Seneca Falls, New York. Located at the site where the First Convention for Women's Rights took place in 1848, it commemorates the movement in an informative and engaging way.



The visitor center is beautifully done, with life-size archival images arranged in collages across the walls, interactive displays, compelling data (including a three-dimensional graph on gender and employment over time) and a sculpture of those who attended the Women's Rights Convention.



The Women's Rights National Historical Park is an inspiring reason to visit a region where Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Harriet Tubman and many other influential activists once lived. It is also evidence of public funds well spent. The following is a photo tour of the visitor center, which can be viewed in person daily free of charge.







































This post is part of a collection of Featured Places from around the world. If you'd like to share photos of a place you find interesting, just add them to the Flickr group or send them to info@thepolisblog.org and we'll publish your feature. Video and sound recordings are also welcome.

Credits: Image of Frederick Douglass from the National Park Service. All photos of the Women's Rights National Historical Park by Peter Sigrist.

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Collected Visions of Utopian Living

In 1932, Frank Lloyd Wright introduced a utopian vision of a democratic society in a manifesto titled "The Disappearing City." The antithesis of urban, Wright's Broadacre City would house families on separate one-acre plots spread out along freeways. This was, in Wright's view, "not only the single form the democratic city could take, but the only possible city of the future." Broadacre City was never built, and received a fair amount of criticism as a naive vision of utopia. Nevertheless, Wright continued working on the concept until his death.

The idea that artists should use their work to champion social change dates back at least to the Enlightenment, but it was Jean-Paul Sartre who articulated it most memorably. His notion of littérature engagée and its sister, l'art engagé, were driven by an ethical commitment to exert an emancipatory political and social influence on humankind.


Rendition of Ernest Callenbach's Ecotopia by Craig Hodgetts (1982), envisioning the San Francisco Bay with solar power stations. Source: TU München

"L'Architecture Engagée: Manifestos for Changing the Society," an exhibit on view until Sept. 2 at the Pinakothek der Moderne in Munich, looks at the architectural equivalent of Sartre's concept through the ideas of Wright and other visionaries, including Thomas More, Robert Owen, Charles Fourier, Ebenezer Howard, Bruno Taut, Theo van Deosburg, Moisei Ginsburg, Tony Garnier, Jiří Kroha, Renaat Braem, Frei Otto, Ernest Callenbach and Yona Friedman.

Welcoming visitors with a panel on Thomas More's "Utopia" and continuing into the 1980s, the exhibit diligently traces the historical development of idealist architectural visions. The curators assembled a series of hanging panels and a variety of media to create seven spaces that educate visitors about the central works and tenets of each vision.

Moving from More's time to the early 19th century, the next section introduces visitors to Welsh social reformer Robert Owen and his utopian socialism. Driven by a desire to alleviate poverty through cooperative living, Owen moved to the United States and started an experimental village centered around unity and mutual cooperation. New Harmony, as the community was called, failed within two years.


Panel showcasing Charles Fourier's Phalanstery utopian settlement. Source: Cristiana Strava

The fate of Owen's initiative did not deter Frenchman Charles Fourier from his own vision of a utopian community. Designed to integrate urban and rural features, Fourier's Phalanstère (Phalanstery) was similar to an Israeli kibbutz. It was meant to house a self-sustaining community of no more than 1600 people. The complex comprised both living and working space, as well as a nursery and a ballroom. Due to lack of financial support, Fourier never built a Phalanstery in Europe, but several communities were created in the United States.


A view of the Garden City section. Source: Jens Weber

Owen and Fourier both shared a preoccupation with what they saw as the eroding influence of industrialization on human communities. Ebenezer Howard also shared this concern, advocating a vision of living in harmony with nature. His Garden City movement was a response to the increasingly squalid living and working conditions that he witnessed in London. A somewhat different response to industrialisation, Tony Garnier's Cite Industrielle (Industrial City) occupies a wall across the room from Howard's Garden City plans.


"Alpine Architecture" by Bruno Taut. Source: TU München

The exhibit then transitions rather brusquely into the internationalist movement and offers a glimpse of Bruno Taut's theoretical writings alongside the eye-catching model of the Maison d'Artiste (Artist's House) by Theo van Doesburg.


Model of Theo van Doesburg's Maison d'Artiste. Source: Cristiana Strava

Examples of socialist and communist architecture occupy the middle section of the exhibit, revolving around Moisei Ginsburg's (in)famous Narkomfin Communal House. Together with the work of Renaat Braem and Jiří Kroha, these examples draw upon ideas that are similar to Owen's and Fourier's visions of communal living with less concern for nature. The theme of living in harmony with the land resurfaces in the last section of the exhibit with Wright's Broadacre City and Ernest Callenbach's Ecotopia.


Section on socialist architecture. Source: Jens Weber


Model of Moisei Ginsburg's Narkomfin Communal House. Source: Cristiana Strava.

Despite the great quantity of information accompanying the exhibit, by the end I had a distinct feeling that questions of substance had been left out. For instance, I was struck by the omission of Le Corbusier and the Athens Charter from the timeline of utopian manifestos. His Unite d'Habitation was clearly influenced by the Narkomfin House, and evokes certain aspects of Fourier's Phalanstery as well.

However, there was an even larger white elephant looming in the room. Hovering amongst the beautifully preserved archival documents and plans was the scarcely mentioned fact that all these visions eventually failed to achieve their goals of social emancipation. Although the ideas were frequently recycled as time went on, they never congealed into another coherent manifesto.


Architect Jiří Kroha's "The sociological fragment of living, the human being and his dwelling." Source: TU München

The exhibit's curators hope that a re-examination of these "efforts to improve or change social systems could help to historically deepen the current discussions about the importance of the built environment." Despite recent initiatives like WikiHouse, there is a common view that the moral mission of architecture has been in decline for the past 25 years. Increasingly perceived as an elitist domain whose practitioners build monumental museums and luxurious villas, 21st-century architecture has thus far failed to productively engage with pressing social issues. One can only echo the Munich curators' hope that the situation will soon change.

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Visualizing Dislocation Across Borders

Location-based technology is not known for its accuracy. At times we can be logged as being in a different place than our actual location, especially when we are moving across territories. Artist Julian Oliver's Border Bumping project focuses on these moments of disparity.


Screenshot of evolving map data.

As part of the project, a free Android application tracks location discrepancies and uploads them to a map used by participants when they cross national borders. The results are presented as an ever-changing terrain that visualizes the disruptions inherent in cellular technology. Viewers can also view updates to the map from a mobile cartography bureau.


Mobile cartography bureau.

Border Bumping is part of the Abandon Normal Devices Festival, which takes place from Aug. 9 to Sept. 2, 2012 in Manchester, Liverpool and Lancaster, England.

Credits: Images from Border Bumping.

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Landscapes of Inequality in Nairobi

Although Nairobi is one of the most dynamic business and institutional centers in sub-Saharan Africa, it is also home to more than 200 slums, where living conditions are among the harshest in the world. Many of the richest and poorest people in Africa live in this highly unequal city with an extremely high Gini income-inequality coefficient close to 0.60.


Low-income Kibera neighborhood.


High-income Westlands neighborhood.

High-income areas have excellent services and infrastructure, while low-income areas have next to none. Sanitation problems in slums like Kibera, Pumwani and Maringo are exacerbated by high population density. Slums in Nairobi are known for flying toilets — plastic bags filled with toilet waste thrown away by people with no access to latrines.


Low-income Kayole neighborhood.


High-income Milinani neighborhood.

The low-income Kayole neighborhood (pictured above) is a formal settlement, which shows that inadequate infrastructure and public space are not limited to informal settlements. As in Quito and Madrid, state investment is clearly higher in wealthier neighborhoods, even when poorer neighborhoods have much larger populations.

Credits: Images from Google Earth

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